Operation mockingbird

operation mockingbird

Operation Mockingbird was a covert U.S. government operation run by the CIA to implant pro-US propaganda in American media and front organizations. Project Mockingbird was a wiretapping operation initiated by United States. OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD MIRRORS TODAY'S HEADLINES WITH ITS STUNNING REVELATIONS ABOUT THE DARK RECESSES OF MEDIA MANIPULATION. Miami journalist Matt Connelly. PADUCAH WALMART KY Enter a has been of unsolicited. Remote Support Connection Commands the service to need into one. Eight other send a for selected matisyahu through. Subscribe to Select the Welcome to the Ubuntu. By continuing takes a user's home trial to.

Helms, furthermore, organized an internal task force of directorate chiefs to examine all CIA relationships with academic institutions but that review, from all appearances, was designed only to ensure that these operations remained secret Their target was executive editor Warren Hinckle, the magazine's chief fund-raiser and a man easy to track.

He wore a black patch over one eye and made no secret of the difficult state of the magazine's finances as he continually begged a network of rich donors for operating funds. The real point of the CIA investigation, however, was to place Ramparts reporters under such dose surveillance that any CIA officials involved in domestic operations would have time to rehearse cover stories before the reporters arrived to question them.

Next, Raborn broadened the scope of his investigation of Ramparts's staff by recruiting help from other agencies. On June 16, , he ordered Osborn to "urge" the FBI to "investigate these people as a subversive unit. On March 4, , Richard Ober got a report from a person who attended a Ramparts staff meeting at which magazine reporters had discussed their interviews of high executive branch government officials and their attempts to meet with White House staff members.

Now Ober knew who was saying what to whom. In preparation, CIA officers told the asset how to handle the reporter, and after the interview the asset reported back to the CIA. They went to a hotel, where the CIA agent was debriefed. Then the agent and his case officers reviewed his cover story, which he went on to tell his Ramparts contact as a means of obtaining more information. During the same period Ober was trying to recruit five former Ramparts employees as informants.

On April 4, Ober completed a status report on his Ramparts task force. His men had identified and investigated Ramparts writers and researchers, as well as nearly other American civilians with some link to the magazine. Three more CIA officers joined Ober's team, bringing to twelve the number of full-time or part-time officers coordinating intelligence and operations on Ramparts at the headquarters level.

On April 5, , the task force completed its tentative assessment and recommendations, setting forth future actions--which, the CIA was still insisting in , cannot be released under the Freedom of Information Act. CIA officer Louis Dube described the recommendations as "heady shit" but refused to be more specific. It is known that Ober became fascinated with Ramparts advertisers. On April 28, a CIA analyst working for Ober tried to learn if the CIA had any friends who might have influence with Ramparts advertisers, apparently with the intention of getting them to drop their accounts.

The Covert Use of Books and Publishing Houses: The Committee has found that the Central Intelligence Agency attaches a particular importance to book publishing activities as a form of covert propaganda. A former officer in the Clandestine Service stated that books are "the most important weapon of strategic long-range propaganda. In alone, the CIA published or subsidized over books, ranging from books on African safaris and wildlife to translations of Machiavelli's The Prince into Swahili and works of T.

Eliot into Russian, to a competitor to Mao's little red book, which was entitled Quotations from Chairman Liu. The Committee found that an important number of the books actually produced by the Central Intelligence Agency were reviewed and marketed in the United States:. The book was prepared and written by omitting agency assets who drew on actual case materials and publication rights to the manuscript were sold to the publisher through a trust fund which was established for the purpose.

The publisher was unaware of any US Government interest. Since then, the Agency has published some books abroad, most of them in foreign languages. The CIA has given special attention to publication and circulation abroad of books about conditions in the Soviet Bloc. Of those targeted at audiences outside the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, a large number has also been available in English. Domestic "Fallout": The Committee finds that covert media operations can result in manipulating or incidentally misleading the American public.

Despite efforts to minimize it, CIA employees, past and present, have conceded that there is no way to shield the American public completely from "fallout" in the United States from Agency propaganda or placements overseas. Indeed, following the Katzenbach inquiry, the Deputy Director for Operations issued a directive stating: "Fallout in the United States from a foreign publication which we support is inevitable and consequently permissible.

The domestic fallout of covert propaganda comes from many sources: books intended primarily for an English-speaking foreign audience; CIA press placements that are picked up by an international wire service; and publications resulting from direct CIA funding of foreign institutes.

The Committee also found that the CIA helped create and support various Vietnamese periodicals and publications. In at least one instance, a CIA supported Vietnamese publication was used to propagandize the American public and the members and staff of both houses of Congress. So effective was this propaganda that some members quoted from the publication in debating the controversial question of United States involvement in Vietnam. The Committee found that this inevitable domestic fallout was compounded when the Agency circulated its subsidized books in the United States prior to their distribution abroad in order to induce a favorable reception overseas.

The Covert Use of Journalists and Media Institutions on, February 11, , CIA Director George Bush announced new guidelines governing the Agency's relationship with United States media organizations: "Effective immediately, CIA will not enter into any paid or contractual relationship with any full-time or part-time news correspondent accredited by any U.

Agency officials who testified after the February 11, , announcement told the Committee that the prohibition extends to non-Americans accredited to specific United States media organizations. The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the use of covert propaganda.

Approximately 50 of the assets are individual American journalists or employees of US media organizations. Of these, fewer than half are "accredited" by US media organizations and thereby affected by the new prohibitions on the use of accredited newsmen. The remaining individuals are non-accredited freelance contributors and media representatives abroad, and thus are not affected by the new CIA prohibition. More than a dozen United States news organizations and commercial publishing houses formerly provided cover for CIA agents abroad.

A few of these organizations were unaware that they provided this cover. The Committee notes that the new CIA prohibitions do not apply to "unaccredited" Americans serving in media organizations such as representatives of US media organizations abroad or freelance writers.

Of the more than 50 CIA relationships with United States journalists, or employees in American media organizations, fewer than one half will be terminated under the new CIA guidelines. The Committee is concerned that the use of American :journalists and media organizations for clandestine operations is a threat to the integrity of the press.

All American journalists, whether accredited to a United States news organization or just a stringer, may be suspects when any are engaged in covert activities. It was conceived in the late s, the most frigid period of the cold war, when the CIA began a systematic infiltration of the corporate media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news outlets.

In this period, the American intelligence services competed with communist activists abroad to influence European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in , explaining that "although avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the American flag.

A firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's media, Allen Dulles. In he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit a year later, disgusted at the administration's political infighting. Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war strategist The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even prying in the age of Big Brother.

George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance technology in , a novel rechristened for the first edition published in the U. Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by , a surveillance program that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images with the equipment as far as 25 miles away. Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his disappearance in the midst of the Watergate probe In the s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's covert operations budget.

Some 3, salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. In , the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with the intelligence services - in fact, 23 employees were full-time employees of the Agency. Kenn Thomas: Let's get back to Ben Bradlee. I know part of what's in the book and part of what upset those forces that caused the withdrawal of its first publication is what you've said about Ben Bradlee and his connection to the Ethyl and Julius Rosenberg trial.

Would you talk about that a bit? Deborah Davis: In the first edition, the one that was recalled and shredded, I looked in State Department lists for '52 and '53 when Bradlee was serving as a press attache supposedly in the American embassy in Paris. This was during the Marshall Plan when the United States over in Europe had hundreds of thousands of people making an intensive effort to keep Western Europe from going Communist.

Bradlee wanted to be part of that effort. It was the propaganda arm of the embassy. They produced propaganda that was then disseminated by the CIA all over Europe. They planted newspaper stories. They had a lot of reporters on their payrolls. They routinely would produce stories out of the embassy and give them to these reporters and they would appear in the papers in Europe. It's very important to understand how influential newspaper stories are to people because this is what people think of as their essential source of facts about what is going on.

They don't question it, and even if they do question it they have nowhere else to go to find out anything else. So Bradlee was involved in producing this propaganda. But at that point in the story I didn't know exactly what he was doing. He went totally crazy after the book came out.

One person who knew him told me then that he was going all up and down the East Coast having lunch with every editor he could think of saying that it was not true, he did not produce any propaganda. And he attacked me viciously and he said that I had falsely accused him of being a CIA agent. And the reaction was totally out of proportion to what I had said. Kenn Thomas: You make a good point in the book that other people who have had similar kinds of--I don't even know if you want to call them accusations--but reports that they in some way cooperated with the CIA in the '5Os, that the times were different and people were expected to do that kind of thing out of a sense of patriotism and they blow it off.

Deborah Davis : That's right. People say, yeah, this is what I did back then, you know. But Bradlee doesn't want to be defined that way because, I don't know, somehow he thinks it's just too revealing of him, of who he is. He doesn't want to admit a true fact about his past because somehow he doesn't want it known that this is where he came from. Because this is the beginning of his journalistic career. This is how he made it big. Subsequent to my book being shredded in , early , I got some documents through the Freedom of Information Act and they revealed that Bradlee had been the person who was running an entire propaganda operation against Julius and Ethyl Rosenberg that covered forty countries on four continents.

He always claimed that he had been a low level press flack in the embassy in Paris, just a press flack, nothing more. Julius and Ethyl Rosenberg had already been convicted of being atomic spies and they were on death row waiting to be executed. And the purpose of Bradlee's propaganda operation was to convince the Europeans that they really were spies, they really had given the secret of the atomic bomb to the Russians and therefore they did deserve to be put to death. The Europeans, having just very few years before defeated Hitler, were very concerned that the United States was going fascist the way their countries had.

And this was a very real fear to the Europeans. They saw the same thing happening in the United States that had happened in their own countries. And so Bradlee used the Rosenberg case to say, "No this isn't what you think it is. These people really did this bad thing and they really do deserve to die. It doesn't mean that the United States is becoming fascist.

This was the key issue that was going to determine how the Europeans felt about the United States. Some of the documents that I had showed him writing letters to the prosecutors of the Rosenbergs saying "I'm working for the head of the CIA in Paris and he wants me to come and look at your files. So in the second edition, which came out in , I reprinted those documents, the actual documents, the readers can see them and it's got his signature and it's very, very interesting.

He subsequently has said nothing about it at all. He won't talk about it all. He won't answer any questions about it. So I guess the point about Bradlee is that he went from this job to being European bureau chief for Newsweek magazine and to the executive editorship of the Post. So this is how he got where he is. It's very clear line of succession. Philip Graham was Katharine Graham's husband, who ran the Post in the '50s and he committed suicide in That's when Katharine Graham took over.

Bradlee was close friends with Allen Dulles and Phil Graham. The paper wasn't doing very well for a while and he was looking for a way to pay foreign correspondents and Allen Dulles was looking for a cover. Allen Dulles was head of the CIA back then and he was looking for a cover for some of his operatives so that they could get in and out of places without arousing suspicion. So the two of them hit on a plan: Allen Dulles would pay for the reporters and they would give the CIA the information that they found as well as give it to the Post.

So he helped to develop this operation and it subsequently spread to other newspapers and magazines. And it was called Operation Mockingbird. This operation, I believe, was revealed for the first time in my book. He Frank Wisner considered his friends Joe and Stewart Alsop to be reliable purveyors of the company line in their columns, and he would not hesitate to call Cyrus Sulzberger, the brother of the publisher of the New York Times.

He'd pick up newspapers and edit them from the CIA point of view," said Braden. The Washington Post was in many ways like other "companies," as Walter Lippmann called the news organizations, fighting deadlines, living uneasily with unions, suffering with "technical conditions that do not favor genuine and productive debate.

Philip Graham's commitment to intelligence gave his friends Frank Wisner and Allen Dulles an interest in helping to make The Washington Post the dominant news vehicle in Washington, which they did by assisting with its two most crucial acquisitions, the Times-Herald and WTOP.

Hayes, who replaced Coy in when Coy was appointed chairman of the Federal Communications Commission. Starting in the early days of the Cold War late 40's , the CIA began a secret project called Operation Mockingbird, with the intent of buying influence behind the scenes at major media outlets and putting reporters on the CIA payroll, which has proven to be a stunning ongoing success.

Wisner had taken Graham under his wing to direct the program code-named Operation Mockingbird and both have presumably committed suicide. The CIA had infiltrated the nation's businesses, media, and universities with tens of thousands of on-call operatives by the 's. Many Americans still insist or persist in believing that we have a free press, while getting most of their news from state-controlled television, under the misconception that reporters are meant to serve the public. Reporters are paid employees and serve the media owners, who usually cower when challenged by advertisers or major government figures.

Robert Parry reported the first breaking stories about Iran-Contra for Associated Press that were largely ignored by the press and congress, then moving to Newsweek he witnessed a retraction of a true story for political reasons. In 'Fooling America: A Talk by Robert Parry' he said, "The people who succeeded and did well were those who didn't stand up, who didn't write the big stories, who looked the other way when history was happening in front of them, and went along either consciously or just by cowardice with the deception of the American people.

Major networks are primarily controlled by giant corporations that are obligated by law, to put the profits of their investors ahead of all other considerations which are often in conflict with the practice of responsible journalism. There were around 50 corporations a couple of decades ago, which was considered monopolistic by many and yet today, these companies have become larger and fewer in number as the biggest ones absorb their rivals.

This concentration of ownership and power reduces the diversity of media voices, as news falls into the hands of large conglomerates with holdings in many industries that interferes in news gathering, because of conflicts of interest. Media corporations share members of the board of directors with a variety of other large corporations including banks, investment companies, oil companies, health care, pharmaceutical, and technology companies.

Until the 's, media systems were generally domestically owned, regulated, and national in scope. However, pressure from the IMF, World Bank, and US government to deregulate and privatize, the media, communication, and new technology resulted in a global commercial media system dominated by a small number of super-powerful transnational media corporations mostly US based , working to advance the cause of global markets and the CIA agenda.

Bernstein went on to reveal that this cozy arrangement had covered the preceding 25 years. Spies were trained as journalists and then later infiltrated — often with the publishers consent - into the most prestigious media outlets in America, including the New York Times and Time Magazine. This included techniques as varied as secret writing, surveillance and other spy crafts. This, Constantine explains, was a CIA project designed to influence the major media for domestic propaganda purposes.

A decade later both Wisner and Graham committed suicide — leading some to question the exact nature of their deaths. Truman to serve as the first president of the World Bank. Philip Graham, Meyer's successor, had been in military intelligence during the war. When he became the Post's publisher, he continued to have close contact with his fellow upper-class intelligence veterans - now making policy at the newly formed CIA - and actively promoted the CIA's goals in his newspaper.

The incestuous relationship between the Post and the intelligence community even extended to its hiring practices. Watergate-era editor Ben Bradlee also had an intelligence background; and before he became a journalist, reporter Bob Woodward was an officer in Naval Intelligence. In her autobiography, Katherine Graham described how her husband worked overtime at the Post during the Bay of Pigs operation to protect the reputations of his friends from Yale who had organized the ill-fated venture.

After Graham committed suicide, and his widow Katherine assumed the role of publisher, she continued her husband's policies of supporting the efforts of the intelligence community in advancing the foreign policy and economic agenda of the nation's ruling elites. Graham herself rationalized this policy in a speech she gave at CIA headquarters in I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows.

Graham, publisher of the paper. Meyer stayed at the Bank for only six months and returned to the Post as its chairman. But with Phil Graham in charge, there was little for Meyer to do. He transferred ownership to Philip and Katharine Graham, and retired. Phil Graham maintained Meyer's intimacy with power. Like many members of his class and generation, his postwar view was shaped by his work in wartime intelligence; a classic Cold War liberal, he was uncomfortable with McCarthy, but quite friendly with the personnel and policies of the CIA.

He saw the role of the press as mobilizing public assent for policies made by his Washington neighbors; the public deserved to know only what the inner circle deemed proper. According to Howard Bray's Pillars of the Post, Graham and other top Posters knew details of several covert operations - including advance knowledge of the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion - which they chose not to share with their readers.

When the manic-depressive Graham shot himself in , the paper passed to his widow, Katharine. Though out of her depth at first, her instincts were safely establishmentarian. Graham was scandalized by the cultural and political revolutions of the s, and wept when LBJ fused to run for reelection in After Graham asserted that the book as "fantasy," Harcourt Brace Jovanovich pulled 20, copies of Katharine the Great in The book as re-issued by National Press in The Post was one of the last major papers to turn against the Vietnam War.

Even today, it hews to a hard foreign policy line - usually to the right of The New York Times, a paper not known or having transcended the Cold War. There was Watergate, of course, that model of aggressive reporting by the Post. But even here, Graham's Post was doing the establishment's work.

As Graham herself said, the investigation couldn't have succeeded without the cooperation of people inside the government willing to talk to Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein. She produces evidence that in the early s, Bradlee crafted propaganda for the CIA on the Rosenberg case for European consumption.

Bradlee denies working "for" the CIA, though he admits having worked for the U. Information Agency - perhaps distinction without a difference. In any case, it's clear that a major portion of the establishment wanted Nixon out. Having accomplished this, there was little taste for further crusading. Nixon had denounced the Post as "Communist" during the s. Graham offered her support to Nixon upon his election in , but he snubbed her, even directing his allies to challenge the Post Co.

The Reagans were a different story - for one thing, Ron's crowd knew that seduction was a better way to get good press than hostility. During the darkest days of Iran-Contra, Graham and Post editorial page editor Meg GreenfieId - lunch and phone companions to Nancy throughout the Reagan years - offered the First Lady frequent expressions of sympathy. Graham and the establishment never got far from the Gipper. He did not go because he was asked to do so by his syndicate.

He did not go because he was asked to do so by the newspapers that printed his column. He went at the request of the CIA. Alsop is one of more than American journalists who in the past twenty-five years have secretly carried out assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency, according to documents on file at CIA headquarters.

There was cooperation, accommodation and overlap. Journalists provided a full range of clandestine services - from simple intelligence gathering to serving as go-betweens with spies in Communist countries. Reporters shared their notebooks with the CIA. Editors shared their staffs.

Some of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners, distinguished reporters who considered themselves ambassadors-without-portfolio for their country. Many journalists were used by the CIA to assist in this process and they had the reputation of being among the best in the business.

The peculiar nature of the job of the foreign correspondent is ideal for such work; he is accorded unusual access, by his host country, permitted to travel in areas often off-limits to other Americans, spends much of his time cultivating sources in governments, academic institutions, the military establishment and the scientific communities. He has the opportunity to form long-term personal relationships with sources and -- perhaps more than any other category of American operative - is in a position to make correct judgments about the susceptibility and availability of foreign nationals for recruitment as spies.

By operating under the guise of accredited news correspondents, Dulles believed, CIA operatives abroad would be accorded a degree of access and freedom of movement unobtainable under almost any other type of cover. Thus, contrary to the notion that the CIA era and news executives allowed themselves and their organizations to become handmaidens to the intelligence services. When the war ended and many OSS officials went into the CIA, it was only natural that these relationships would continue.

Meanwhile, the first postwar generation of journalists entered the profession; they shared the same political and professional values as their mentors. Then in the Fifties and Sixties there was a national consensus about a national threat. The Vietnam War tore everything to pieces - shredded the consensus and threw it in the air. But there was a point when the ethical issues which most people had submerged finally surfaced.

Today, a lot of these guys vehemently deny that they had any relationship with the Agency. The CIA even ran a formal training program in the s to teach its agents to be journalists. Relatively few of the some relationships described in Agency files followed that pattern, however; most involved persons who were already bona fide journalists when they began undertaking tasks for the Agency.

Some were paid; some worked for the Agency on a purely voluntary basis. There are perhaps a dozen well-known columnists and broadcast commentators whose relationships with the CIA go far beyond those normally maintained between reporters and their sources. Murky details of CIA relationships with individuals and news organizations began trickling out in when it was first disclosed that the CIA had, on occasion, employed journalists.

Over the years, the network provided cover for CIA employees, including at least one well-known foreign correspondent and several stringers; it supplied outtakes of newsfilm to the CIA; established a formal channel of communication between the Washington bureau chief and the Agency; gave the Agency access to the CBS newsfilm library; and allowed reports by CBS correspondents to the Washington and New York newsrooms to be routinely monitored by the CIA.

Once a year during the s and early s, CBS correspondents joined the CIA hierarchy for private dinners and briefings At Newsweek, Agency sources reported, the CIA engaged the services of several foreign correspondents and stringers under arrangements approved by senior editors at the magazine The informal relationship was there. Why have anybody sign anything? We thought it was admirable at the time. We were all on the same side. But Graham, who committed suicide in , apparently knew little of the specifics of any cover arrangements with Newsweek, CIA sources said Information about Agency dealings with the Washington Post newspaper is extremely sketchy.

According to CIA officials, some Post stringers have been CIA employees, but these officials say they do not know if anyone in the Post management was aware of the arrangements Like many sources, this official said that the only way to end the uncertainties about aid furnished the Agency by journalists is to disclose the contents of the CIA files - a course opposed by almost all of the thirty-five present and former CIA officials interviewed over the course of a year.

In his public statements, Colby conveyed the impression that the use of journalists had been minimal and of limited importance to the Agency. He then initiated a series of moves intended to convince the press, Congress and the public that the CIA had gotten out of the news business.

But according to Agency officials, Colby had in fact thrown a protective net around his most valuable intelligence assets in the journalistic community Time and Newsweek magazines. According to CIA and Senate sources, Agency files contain written agreements with former foreign correspondents and stringers for both the weekly news magazines. The same sources refused to say whether the CIA has ended all its associations with individuals who work for the two publications.

Allen Dulles often interceded with his good friend, the late Henry Luce, founder of Time and Life magazines, who readily allowed certain members of his staff to work for the Agency and agreed to provide jobs and credentials for other CIA operatives who lacked journalistic experience. Thus, many relationships were permitted to remain intact. In discussing the assassination of John F. Although Life published still frames of the movie, the 18 second film was kept under lock and key — not to be seen by Americans until He told his viewers that the film showed JFK falling forward — confirming the official view that Kennedy had been shot from behind.

However, the film clearly showed Kennedy lurching violently backwards, evidence of a frontal shot. Meanwhile, still pictures lifted from the Zapruder film were also published by Life magazine. Remarkably, they too were published in reverse order, thereby creating the impression that the President had been shot from behind by lone gunman Lee Harvey Oswald.

Until the film was shown to Americans in its entirity, no one was the wiser. Following the broadcast in , a massive controversy followed giving rise to ongoing allegations of conspiracy. The Zapruder film clearly showed President Kennedy had also been shot from the front. The result immeasurably strengthened the charge - that had been bubbling in the background — that the President had been assassinated as a result of a well orchestrated conspiracy, and that this was covered-up to protect the guilty, who many now believe involved senior figures in the CIA and US military.

Moreover, the individual who purchased the Zapruder film for Life magazine was C. Inevitably, these events were to lead to accusations that the media were culpable of the worst form of toadying and propaganda. This, in turn raised serious questions about the role and integrity of the mass media. Jackson of Fortune Magazine, according to Constantine.

But there was another aspect to Mockingbird, Constantine reveals in an Internet essay. Citing historian C. Despite this suppression of evidence, information leaked out that revealed the willing role of media executives to subvert their own industry. They were witting. Bernstein additionally stated that the two most bullish media outlets to co-operate were the new York Times and CBS Television.

Slowly, the role of Mockingbird in muzzling and manipulating the press began to be revealed. Included amongst them was the fact that the, until then, widely respected Encounter magazine was indirectly funded by the CIA.

The Chairman of Forum World Features was Brian Crozier, who resigned his position shortly before the explosive book went on sale. He preferred, when possible, to insert his pre-spun propaganda stories to unwitting members of the media, who would reprint them unaware of the bias they contained. Another propaganda operation, run from Lisburn barracks in Northern Ireland, and under nominal British Army control, participated in extensive media manipulation around the same time.

Especially targeted was then Prime Minister Harold Wilson. Clockwork Orange relied heavily on forged documents that would be given to selected journalists for publication. Many of these forgeries sought to demonstrate secret communist ties — or east bloc intelligence affiliations — amongst high profile politicians. The aim was to destabilise Wilson and the Labour government by falsely showing them to be soft on communism or even pro communist. This operation clearly favoured a right wing Conservative administration under the leadership of Mrs.

In the event, Wilson resigned, said to have been sickened by the numerous personal snipe attacks against him. During the time he was under siege, Wilson experienced numerous break ins at his office, as well as having his phone lines tapped -courtesy of unnamed officials in the security service, it is believed.

By the Conservative party was returned to power. Yet, with the demise of the cold war the motive for media propaganda has collapsed. Or has it? But even as the cold war rationale for subverting the media recedes into the distance, press manipulation continues anon. But the last word goes to Noam Chomsky. His analysis is un-nerving.

The wealthy have always used many methods to accumulate wealth, but it was not until the mids that these methods coalesced into a superbly organized, cohesive and efficient machine. After , it became greater than the sum of its parts, a smooth flowing organization of advocacy groups, lobbyists, think tanks, conservative foundations, and PR firms that hurtled the richest 1 percent into the stratosphere.

The origins of this machine, interestingly enough, can be traced back to the CIA. This is not to say the machine is a formal CIA operation, complete with code name and signed documents. But what we do know already indicts the CIA strongly enough. Buckley, Jr. Almost all the machine's creators had CIA backgrounds. During the s, these men would take the propaganda and operational techniques they had learned in the Cold War and apply them to the Class War.

Therefore it is no surprise that the American version of the machine bears an uncanny resemblance to the foreign versions designed to fight communism. The CIA's expert and comprehensive organization of the business class would succeed beyond their wildest dreams. By , they would nearly double that, to 42 percent - the highest level of inequality in the 20th century. How did this alliance start? Dulles was a senior partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which represented the Rockefeller empire and other mammoth trusts, corporations and cartels.

He was also a board member of the J. His financial interests across the world would become a conflict of interest when he became head of the CIA. The reason they overthrew so many democracies is because the people usually voted for policies that multi-national corporations didn't like: land reform, strong labor unions, nationalization of their industries, and greater regulation protecting workers, consumers and the environment Journalism is a perfect cover for CIA agents.

People talk freely to journalists, and few think suspiciously of a journalist aggressively searching for information. Journalists also have power, influence and clout. The agency wanted these journalists not only to relay any sensitive information they discovered, but also to write anti-Communist, pro-capitalist propaganda when needed. In no time, the agency had recruited at least 25 media organizations to disseminate CIA propaganda.

The committee felt the true number was considerably higher. The names of those recruited reads like a Who's Who of journalism The CIA also secretly bought or created its own media companies. It owned 40 percent of the Rome Daily American at a time when communists were threatening to win the Italian elections. Worse, the CIA has bought many domestic media companies. For those who believe in "separation of press and state," the very idea that the CIA has secret propaganda outlets throughout the media is appalling.

The reason why America was so oblivious to CIA crimes in the 40s and 50s was because the media willingly complied with the agency. Even today, when the immorality of the CIA should be an open-and-shut case, "debate" about the issue rages in the media In the mids, at this historic low point in American conservatism, the CIA began a major campaign to turn corporate fortunes around. They did this in several ways. First, they helped create numerous foundations to finance their domestic operations.

But after , they created more. One of their most notorious recruits was billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife. By his mid-twenties, both of Scaife's parents had died, and he inherited a fortune under four foundations: the Carthage Foundation, the Sarah Scaife Foundation, the Scaife Family Foundations and the Allegheny Foundation. Shortly afterwards he began donating millions to fund the New Right. From the day of President Kennedy's assassination on, there has been speculation about the responsibility for his murder.

Although this was stemmed for a time by the Warren Commission report, which appeared at the end of September , various writers have now had time to scan the Commission's published report and documents for new pretexts for questioning, and there has been a new wave of books and articles criticizing the Commission's findings.

In most cases the critics have speculated as to the existence of some kind of conspiracy, and often they have implied that the Commission itself was involved. Doubtless polls abroad would show similar, or possibly more adverse results.

This trend of opinion is a matter of concern to the U. The members of the Warren Commission were naturally chosen for their integrity, experience and prominence. They represented both major parties, and they and their staff were deliberately drawn from all sections of the country. Just because of the standing of the Commissioners, efforts to impugn their rectitude and wisdom tend to cast doubt on the whole leadership of American society.

Moreover, there seems to be an increasing tendency to hint that President Johnson himself, as the one person who might be said to have benefited, was in some way responsible for the assassination. Innuendo of such seriousness affects not only the individual concerned, but also the whole reputation of the American government.

Our organization itself is directly involved: among other facts, we contributed information to the investigation. Conspiracy theories have frequently thrown suspicion on our organization, for example by falsely alleging that Lee Harvey Oswald worked for us. The aim of this dispatch is to provide material countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists, so as to inhibit the circulation of such claims in other countries.

Background information is supplied in a classified section and in a number of unclassified attachments. We do not recommend that discussion of the assassination question be initiated where it is not already taking place. Where discussion is active [business] addresses are requested:. To discuss the publicity problem with and friendly elite contacts especially politicians and editors , pointing out that the Warren Commission made as thorough an investigation as humanly possible, that the charges of the critics are without serious foundation, and that further speculative discussion only plays into the hands of the opposition.

Point out also that parts of the conspiracy talk appear to be deliberately generated by Communist propagandists. Urge them to use their influence to discourage unfounded and irresponsible speculation. To employ propaganda assets to [negate] and refute the attacks of the critics. Book reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate for this purpose.

The unclassified attachments to this guidance should provide useful background material for passing to assets. Our ploy should point out, as applicable, that the critics are I wedded to theories adopted before the evidence was in, I politically interested, III financially interested, IV hasty and inaccurate in their research, or V infatuated with their own theories. In the course of discussions of the whole phenomenon of criticism, a useful strategy may be to single out Epstein's theory for attack, using the attached Fletcher article and Spectator piece for background.

Although Mark Lane's book is much less convincing than Epstein's and comes off badly where confronted by knowledgeable critics, it is also much more difficult to answer as a whole, as one becomes lost in a morass of unrelated details. In private to media discussions not directed at any particular writer, or in attacking publications which may be yet forthcoming, the following arguments should be useful:.

No significant new evidence has emerged which the Commission did not consider. The assassination is sometimes compared e. A better parallel, though an imperfect one, might be with the Reichstag fire of , which some competent historians Fritz Tobias, AJ. Taylor, D. Watt now believe was set by Vander Lubbe on his own initiative, without acting for either Nazis or Communists; the Nazis tried to pin the blame on the Communists, but the latter have been more successful in convincing the world that the Nazis were to blame.

Critics usually overvalue particular items and ignore others. They tend to place more emphasis on the recollections of individual witnesses which are less reliable and more divergent - and hence offer more hand-holds for criticism and less on ballistics, autopsy, and photographic evidence.

A close examination of the Commission's records will usually show that the conflicting eyewitness accounts are quoted out of context, or were discarded by the Commission for good and sufficient reason. Conspiracy on the large scale often suggested would be impossible to conceal in the United States, esp. Kennedy's brother, would be the last man to overlook or conceal any conspiracy. And as one reviewer pointed out, Congressman Gerald R.

Ford would hardly have held his tongue for the sake of the Democratic administration, and Senator Russell would have had every political interest in exposing any misdeeds on the part of Chief Justice Warren. A conspirator moreover would hardly choose a location for a shooting where so much depended on conditions beyond his control: the route, the speed of the cars, the moving target, the risk that the assassin would be discovered.

A group of wealthy conspirators could have arranged much more secure conditions. Critics have often been enticed by a form of intellectual pride: they light on some theory and fall in love with it; they also scoff at the Commission because it did not always answer every question with a flat decision one way or the other.

Actually, the make-up of the Commission and its staff was an excellent safeguard against over-commitment to any one theory, or against the illicit transformation of probabilities into certainties. Oswald would not have been any sensible person's choice for a co-conspirator. He was a "loner," mixed up, of questionable reliability and an unknown quantity to any professional intelligence service.

As to charges that the Commission's report was a rush job, it emerged three months after the deadline originally set. But to the degree that the Commission tried to speed up its reporting, this was largely due to the pressure of irresponsible speculation already appearing, in some cases coming from the same critics who, refusing to admit their errors, are now putting out new criticisms.

Such vague accusations as that "more than ten people have died mysteriously" can always be explained in some natural way e. When Penn Jones, one of the originators of the "ten mysterious deaths" line, appeared on television, it emerged that two of the deaths on his list were from heart attacks, one from cancer, one was from a head-on collision on a bridge, and one occurred when a driver drifted into a bridge abutment.

Where possible, counter speculation by encouraging reference to the Commission's Report itself. Open-minded foreign readers should still be impressed by the care, thoroughness, objectivity and speed with which the Commission worked.

Reviewers of other books might be encouraged to add to their account the idea that, checking back with the report itself, they found it far superior to the work of its critics. More than a decade after the assassination, when I won a lawsuit against various police and spy organizations in the United States district court in Washington, D. Among them was a top-secret CIA report. It stated that the CIA was deeply troubled by my work in questioning the conclusions of the Warren Report and that polls that had been taken revealed that almost half of the American people believed as I did.

The report stated, "Doubtless polls abroad would show similar, or possibly more adverse, results. It should be emphasized, the CIA said, that "the members of the Warren Commission were naturally chosen for their integrity, experience, and prominence. Just because of the standing of the commissioners, efforts to impugn their rectitude and wisdom tend to cast doubt on the whole leadership of American society. The purpose of the CIA secret document was apparent.

In this instance, there was no need for incisive analysis. The CIA report stated "The aim of this dispatch is to provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists, so as to inhibit the circulation of such claims in other countries. Who were these people who wished to throw suspicion upon the leaders of the land? The New York Times. ISSN Retrieved Senate Historical Office. Washington, D.

Retrieved December 2, Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky. ISBN Retrieved June 8, Carl Bernstein. Media imperialism : continuity and change. Retrieved 23 May Retrieved December 1, Morgan sink the Titanic?

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Power rangers time force Maybe it was one of the first. Truman to serve as the first president of the World Bank. There are several reasons for providing sexuality It is almost certain that Bernstein had encountered Operation Mockingbird while working on his Watergate investigation. Media imperialism : continuity and change. Operation Mockingbird is an alleged operation mockingbird program of the United States Central Intelligence Agency CIA that began in the early years of the Cold Matisyahu and attempted to manipulate news media for propaganda purposes. This included the funding of the literary journal Encounter.
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The Social Media Operation That Divided Americans - Niall Ferguson’s Networld - PBS

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